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Is Modern Science Still Science? — Part 2 of 6

The Transformation

How Scientific Materialism Became a Doctrine

By Douglas Hamilton · April 2026 · 12 min read
Series: 1 23456

The Transformation

How Scientific Materialism Became a Doctrine

Something changed. Not in science as a method — but in science as an institution, particularly in the domain of human origins and the question of design. The change did not happen overnight, and it was not announced. It happened gradually, and it has been sustained by the same mechanisms that sustain any institutional orthodoxy: social pressure, career incentives, gatekeeping of access to legitimacy, and the punishment of dissent.

The Strongest Argument for Methodological Naturalism

Before proceeding to document what went wrong, intellectual honesty requires hearing the strongest version of what we are critiquing. The case for methodological naturalism is not rooted in bad faith. It is rooted in hard-won experience about what actually advances scientific knowledge.

For most of science’s history, invoking design or divine causation stopped inquiry cold. Lightning was Zeus’s anger until Franklin studied electricity. Disease was God’s judgment until Pasteur discovered germ theory. Pestilence was divine punishment until Snow mapped the cholera outbreak to a water pump. The argument for naturalistic methodology is that it works — it forces researchers to keep looking for mechanisms rather than declaring the question settled, and that persistence has produced enormous dividends in human health and understanding.

Defenders of this framework also argue that the design inference has a track record of failing as a productive research program. It identifies apparent complexity and stops there, generating no testable predictions and no new research directions. Philosopher of biology Elliott Sober and others argue not that design is metaphysically impossible, but that it is scientifically sterile — that a hypothesis which predicts everything predicts nothing. On this view, methodological naturalism is not a philosophical commitment smuggled in as science; it is a practical discipline that keeps inquiry moving forward rather than letting it rest on “it was designed that way.”

This is the strongest version of the argument. We have stated it plainly. Now we examine what the documented evidence actually shows about how the framework has been applied in practice.

The Lewontin Admission

The clearest evidence that something has changed comes not from critics of science, but from prominent figures inside the scientific establishment itself — speaking in their own words, in their own publications, about their own motivations.

Richard Lewontin was one of the most respected evolutionary biologists of the twentieth century — a Harvard professor, a geneticist, and a committed atheist. In 1997, in the New York Review of Books, he wrote the following. The italics were his own:

“We take the side of science in spite of the patent absurdity of some of its constructs, in spite of its failure to fulfill many of its extravagant promises of health and life, in spite of the tolerance of the scientific community for unsubstantiated just-so stories, because we have a prior commitment, a commitment to materialism. It is not that the methods and institutions of science somehow compel us to accept a material explanation of the phenomenal world, but, on the contrary, that we are forced by our a priori adherence to material causes to create an apparatus of investigation and a set of concepts that produce material explanations, no matter how counter-intuitive, no matter how mystifying to the uninitiated. Moreover, that materialism is absolute, for we cannot allow a Divine Foot in the door.”

— Richard Lewontin, New York Review of Books, January 9, 1997

Tier 1 — Verified

Primary source: Lewontin, R. (January 9, 1997). Billions and Billions of Demons. New York Review of Books. The full passage in its original context makes the admission more pointed, not less. Readers are encouraged to read the original in full.

This is not a misquote. This is not taken out of context. Lewontin was explaining why scientists accept conclusions that seem counterintuitive and why the institution tolerates what he himself called “unsubstantiated just-so stories.” His explanation is not that the evidence compels it. His explanation is that the prior philosophical commitment requires it.

That is not a description of science. That is a description of a closed belief system using the language and authority of science to protect a predetermined conclusion. And Lewontin said it himself.

The Huxley Admission

Aldous Huxley — one of the twentieth century’s most prominent intellectuals — was equally candid in his 1937 book Ends and Means. The full passage deserves quoting rather than the truncated version that often circulates:

“I had motives for not wanting the world to have a meaning, and consequently assumed it had none, and was able without any difficulty to find satisfying reasons for this assumption. For myself, as no doubt for most of my contemporaries, the philosophy of meaninglessness was essentially an instrument of liberation from a certain system of morality. We objected to the morality because it interfered with our sexual freedom.”

— Aldous Huxley, Ends and Means, 1937

The conclusion came first. The philosophy was recruited to serve it. The investigation was built around protecting the preferred outcome. Huxley’s candor about the motivation — not abstract philosophy but the desire to live without moral constraint — makes the admission more pointed, not less. This is motivated reasoning named and confessed by one of its practitioners.

The Ruse Admission

Perhaps the most remarkable admission comes from Michael Ruse — a philosopher of science, a committed atheist, and one of the most prominent defenders of evolutionary theory in academic and legal contexts. Ruse testified against intelligent design in court. He spent his career arguing for evolutionary science. And yet in a May 2000 essay in the National Post, he wrote:

“Evolution is promoted by its practitioners as more than mere science. Evolution is promulgated as an ideology, a secular religion — a full-fledged alternative to Christianity, with meaning and morality. Evolution is a religion. This was true of evolution in the beginning, and it is true of evolution still today.”

— Michael Ruse, National Post, May 13, 2000

Ruse later expanded this argument at book length in Darwinism as Religion (Oxford University Press, 2016), documenting how evolutionary thinking has taken on the form and role of a religion — complete with orthodoxies, a tendency toward dogmatism, and what he called a telling zeal for persecuting heretics.

By 2009, Ruse himself was publicly distancing from the movement he had once represented. In a widely-read interview with Beliefnet, he called Richard Dawkins’s The God Delusion “embarrassing” and said it “makes me embarrassed to be an atheist.” His criticism was specific: Dawkins was not engaging the arguments. He was evangelizing. The movement had moved from academic defense of evolutionary theory to something that looked, functionally, like the thing it opposed — a crusade rather than an inquiry.

The Third Way — When the Enforcement Fires at Secular Scientists

The enforcement of evolutionary orthodoxy did not stop at silencing theological dissenters. It extended to credentialed secular scientists whose only offense was questioning the sufficiency of the mechanism — not the fact of evolution, just the adequacy of the standard neo-Darwinian account to explain what the data shows.

The Third Way of Evolution — a movement launched by James Shapiro of the University of Chicago and Denis Noble of Oxford University — is the clearest illustration. Shapiro and Noble are not creationists. They hold no affiliation with any religious organization or intelligent design advocacy group. They are senior evolutionary biologists at two of the world’s most prestigious universities who argue that the standard neo-Darwinian mechanism of random mutation plus natural selection is insufficient to explain the full range of evolutionary phenomena. They are not arguing against evolution. They are arguing for a more complete theory.

The response from the evolutionary establishment was not engagement with their evidence. It was the accusation of bad faith. They were characterized as “closet creationists.” Noble documented the hostility in his book Dance to the Tune of Life (Cambridge University Press, 2016), describing a climate in which questioning the sufficiency of the standard mechanism — on scientific grounds, with peer-reviewed evidence — was treated as an act of heresy rather than a contribution to science.

When the same institutional enforcement mechanism fires at credentialed secular scientists with no theological motive, it demonstrates something important: the doctrine being protected is not being defended scientifically. It is being enforced institutionally. The enforcement has decoupled from the evidence and attached itself to the doctrine.

In 2025, evolutionary biologist Jerry Coyne launched a public pressure campaign against Elsevier to retract a peer-reviewed paper published in Progress in Biophysics and Molecular Biology that was skeptical of standard Darwinian mechanisms. The paper had passed peer review. The objection was not that the methodology was flawed — the objection was to the conclusion. That is not peer review. That is the inquisition in different clothing.

The Structural Parallel

Given these admissions, the following structural comparison is not rhetorical. It is analytical. We are documenting a structural parallel between the institutional form of scientific materialism and the religious dogmatism it claims to oppose:

This is not what science is supposed to look like. This is what every institution looks like when it stops following evidence and starts protecting doctrine.

The Documented Retaliation

The claim that dissenters face institutional punishment is not conjecture. It is documented in government investigations, newspaper reporting, and internal emails obtained through public records requests.

The Sternberg Case. In 2004, biologist Richard Sternberg — then serving as editor of the Proceedings of the Biological Society of Washington — authorized publication of a peer-reviewed paper by Dr. Stephen Meyer examining evidence for intelligent design. The response from the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of Natural History, where Sternberg held a research appointment, was coordinated and severe. Colleagues accused him of fraud. Officials worked with an outside advocacy group to have him investigated and discredited. Sternberg filed a complaint with the U.S. Office of Special Counsel, which conducted an investigation and concluded the retaliation had occurred, that misinformation had been disseminated, and that the allegations against Sternberg had been determined to be false. This is documented in the OSC’s investigation findings — not allegations.

The Gonzalez Case. Astronomer Guillermo Gonzalez was a faculty member at Iowa State University with a distinguished publishing record. His tenure was denied. Iowa State’s official position was that the denial was based on his publication record and research funding. Internal emails obtained through public records requests told a different story — they documented a coordinated campaign among faculty members discussing Gonzalez’s views on intelligent design as the deciding issue. Readers are encouraged to examine both the university’s stated position and the email record and draw their own conclusions. Both exist in the public record.

These are not isolated incidents. They are documented examples of a pattern — the institutional enforcement of orthodoxy through professional consequences. The same pattern Ruse described as “persecuting heretics.”

The Institution Versus the Method

What every one of these cases has in common is not what the institution said it was about. They were not about protecting scientific integrity. They were about controlling who gets to be called a scientist.

There is a difference between the scientific method and the institution that claims to administer it. The method belongs to no one. It is a set of procedures — form a hypothesis, test it, report the results honestly, welcome scrutiny. Any person, credentialed or not, who follows those procedures is doing science. Gregor Mendel followed them in an Augustinian monastery. Michael Faraday followed them without a university degree. Charles Darwin attended Cambridge to prepare for the clergy. The method did not require their ordination. It required their rigor.

The institution has done something different. It has claimed the right to ordain — to declare who counts as a legitimate scientist and whose findings count as legitimate science. And it exercises that power the way institutions always do: in defense of its own prior commitments.

This is not a scientific act. It is a priestly one. Excommunication does not require a methodology error. It requires a doctrinal one. And that is precisely what the cases above document — researchers whose methodology was sound, whose credentials were established, whose evidence was real, who were removed not because their science failed but because their conclusions threatened the consensus. The mechanism is identical to what reformers rightly criticized in the institutional church: not “your argument is wrong” but “you are no longer one of us.”

The institution has confused the power to ordain scientists with the authority of the scientific method itself. These are not the same thing. One is procedural. The other is political. And this distinction matters enormously — because “science says” carries very different weight depending on whether it means “the method produced this result” or “the institution has approved this conclusion.” The first is an appeal to evidence. The second is an appeal to authority. They are not interchangeable, and we have been treating them as if they are.

When the institution’s ordination power overrides the method’s conclusions — when the approved conclusion is protected before the investigation begins — the self-correcting mechanism that makes science worth trusting has been captured. The lab coat is still on. The jargon is still flowing. The journals are still publishing. But what is being protected is no longer science.

In Part 3, we examine the peer-reviewed findings that the protected doctrine is increasingly struggling to explain — produced by secular researchers operating entirely within the mainstream scientific framework.

← Part 1: The Gift of Curiosity Part 3: The Evidence →

About the Author

Douglas Hamilton

Pastor, Board Certified Christian Counselor, and founder of Derech Technologies LLC. Doug applies the Derech Truth Labs evidentiary framework to faith, culture, and science — combining pastoral judgment with rigorous, source-verified methodology.

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